Political Dynasties in the Philippines

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Political dynasties have long been a feature of the Philippine political landscape. They are typically characterized as families that have established their political or economic dominance in a province and have coordinated efforts to move on to involvement in national government or other positions of national politics that treats people prominence. Political dynasties usually have a strong, consolidated support base concentrated around the province in which they are dominant. Members of such dynasties usually do not limit their involvement to strictly political activities, and have been found participating in business or culture-related activities."

Political dynasties started emerging after the Philippine Revolution when the First Republic of the Philippines was established. With the decline of Spain's economic power and international prestige in the 19th century, the expansion of British and American influence around the world, and the political current of emergent nationalism among the children of the economically enfranchised bourgeois, the power of the peninsulares', or Spanish-born aristocracy declined propitiously. Following the defeat of the Spanish in the Spanish–American War, the surviving members of the Spanish or Spanish-sanctioned landholding elite and the newly ascendant merchant elite, who were mostly foreign expatriates or of Chinese origin, formed a de facto aristocracy to replace the power vacuum the Spanish had left. Aristocracy survived and prospered under the American colonial regime, and remained a permanent fixture in Philippine society even following the independence of the Philippines was finally confirmed following the devastation of the Philippines under the Japanese occupation of the Philippines during World War II. Over the years, political dynasties continued to adapt, as newer dynasties emerged to fill power vacuums left behind by the extinction of older dynasties. The majority of the available positions in Philippine government are currently held by members of these political dynasties. Notable Philippine political dynasties include the Aquino, Marcos, Arroyo, Binay, Duterte, and Roxas families." There has been a lot of debate regarding the effects political dynasties have on the political and economic status of Philippine society. Despite the negative reaction of the populace towards political dynasties and the association between dynastic activities and corruption,[1] it is only prohibited in the members of the youth-oriented Sangguniang Kabataan.

Philippine laws

The 1987 Constitution of the Philippines states in Article II Section 26: "The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law."

Despite the provision in the Constitution, only the Sangguniang Kabataan Reform Act of 2016 is the only statute that has been implemented concerning the status of political dynasties in the Philippines. The closest explicit mention of political dynasties in Philippine law can be seen in Republic Act 7160 or the Local Government Code, where Book I, Title Two, Chapter 1, Section 43 states the term limit of local government officials. However, it does not include any limitations on the running of the incumbent's family relations or on the holding of multiple political positions by members of the same family.

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Several bills have been filed in relation to the prohibition of political dynasties, and are currently pending to be approved by the Congress. Many have called for Congress to pass the Anti-Dynasty Law, but this bill has been passed over by each Congress since 1987.

On January 24, 2011, Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago filed Senate Bill 2649 which prohibits political dynasties from holding or running for elected local government positions. The bill disqualifies the following candidates from running for local government positions:

  • relatives of an incumbent elected official running for re-election up to the second degree of consanguinity, and are planning to run in the same province in the same election as the elected official
  • relatives of an incumbent elected official that holds a national position up to the second degree of consanguinity, and are planning to run in the province of origin of the elected official
  • persons that are not relatives of an elected official that are candidates to the same position in the same province in the same election but are related to each other up to the second degree of consanguinity.

The bill also prohibits relatives within the prohibited civil degree of relationship of an incumbent from succeeding to the incumbent's position, except for the positions of Punong Barangay and Sangguniang Barangay.

Three bills were filed in the House of Representatives which are also in relation to the prohibition of political dynasties, which are similar in content to Senate Bill 2649:

  1. House Bill 172 filed on July 1, 2013, by representatives under the Bayan Muna, Gabriela, ACT, Anakpawis and Kabataan party lists.
  2. House Bill 837 filed on July 2, 2013, by Representative Erlinda Santiago of the 1-SAGIP party list.
  3. House Bill 2911 filed on September 18, 2013, by Representative Oscar Rodriguez from the 3rd district of Pampanga.

On December 16, 2013, the House of Representatives Committee on Suffrage and Electoral Reforms agreed to replace the three House bills into a single bill filed as House Bill 3587.

In 2016, the Sangguniang Kabataan Reform Law (Republic Act No. 10742) was signed into law which made some significant changes to the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK).[2] It changed the age of the council from 15 to 17 years old to 18 to 24 years old and it forbids individuals from seeking a youth council appointment who are closer than the second degree of consanguinity (have the same grandparents) from any elected or appointed official in the same area. [2]

It is the first Philippine law with an anti-political dynasty restriction for elected positions, as permitted by the 1987 Philippine Constitution.[3]

Statistics of Philippine political dynasties

Due to the increasing number of political dynasties in the Philippines, majority of the positions in government are held by politicians that are members of political dynasties. In fact, in the years 1995-2007, an average of 31.3% of all congressmen and 23.1% of governors were replaced by relatives. In the 1995 elections, of the 83 congressmen elected on to their third term, 36 of them were replaced by a relative in the succeeding elections. The term "relative" here referring to anyone with a familial connection such as a wife, a son or daughter, a cousin, etc. In many of these cases, the people who would eventually go on to take their place had no previous political background or experience save their familial connection.[4]

In a study done in 2012 by economists Beja, Mendoza, Venida, and Yap, it was estimated that 40% of all provinces in the Philippines have a provincial governor and congressman that are related in some way.[4] Another 2014 study done by Querubin of the Department of Politics in New York University indicated that an estimate 50-70% of all politicians are involved or associated in a political dynasty within the Philippines, including local government units. In the same study, it was concluded that approximately 70% of all jurisdiction-based legislators in the current Congress are involved in a political dynasty, with 40% of them having ties to legislators who belonged to as far as 3 Congresses prior. It is also said that 77% of legislators between the ages of 26-40 are also dynastic, which indicates that the second and third generations of political dynasties in the Philippines have begun their political careers as well.[5]

In order to analyze patterns of political dynasties within the 15th Congress, categories were formed according to the number of familial ties each politician had to politicians belonging to previous Congresses:

Category 1: Those with ties to the 12th, 13th, 14th and 15th Congress as well as at least one family member elected into a local government unit between the years 2001 and 2010

Category 2: Those with familial connections to at least one person belonging to the 12th, 13th, or 14th Congress

Category 3: Those who share kinship with at least one person belonging to the 12th, 13th, or 14th dynasty, or at least one relative with a local government unit (LGU) position from the 2001, 2004, or 2007 elections

Category 4: Those with at least one relation in the 12th, 13th, or 14th Congress or holding a local government unit (LGU) position in the elections in between 2001 and 2010

In a population of 229 legislators in the 15th Congress, 155 of them are classified as belonging to the fourth category. Of those 155, 144 of them also belong to the third category. 84 of the 144 belong in the second category, and of the 84, 10 belong to the first category.[5]

Critical reception

Various writers wrote articles that analyze and critique politicians that fall under the domain of a political dynasty. Often, these articles hold these said persons and families in a critical light.[6] Although political dynasties have already been present in the Philippines for a significant period of time, the public has only recently started clamoring for a change in system.[7] The public support for the bill against political dynasties has steadily increased because the president, while part of a dynasty himself, fully supports the passage of the Anti-Dynasty Bill.[8] In a provincial scale, political dynasties are often held in higher regard- contrasted with dynasties that oversee a wider public, where reception is mostly negative. A study that used empirical data correlated political dynasty presence with socio-economic development. This study stated that "this partial correlation coefficient finds a positive relationship between poverty incidence and the proportion of political dynasties in each province." Although the study found a correlation, this does not determine whether it is a causal relationship since poverty is multifaceted.[9]

Negative

One of the more notable theories concerning the negative effects of political dynasties is a political "Carnegie Effect", named after Andrew Carnegie. The "Carnegie Effect" is based on Carnegie's decision to give all his wealth to non-family members, where he argues that his son might have less incentive of working hard if he were to be assured of his father's wealth.[10] This idea of inherited wealth and connections discouraging future generations to work hard can also be attributed to dynastic politicians. Dynastic politicians have a significant advantage from the start of their political career They have a statistically higher probability, due to factors like popularity and incumbency advantage, to win elections when pitted against politicians with no such political networks. Dynastic politicians also have generally lower educational attainment, because of their reliance on dynastic connections rather than bureaucratic or academic competence for their position.[11]

There is also significant evidence to suggest that Philippine political dynasties use their political dominance over their respective regions to enrich themselves, using methods such as graft or outright bribery of legislators. These kinds of situations arise as conflicts of interests- political dynasties often hold significant economic power in a province- and their interests are overrepresented due to dynastic politics.[12] Another negative effect of political dynasties is that political dynasties tend to be for the status quo and develop interests largely separate from the people they were supposed to be serving. Dynastic candidates, being almost exclusively from the upper classes, are naturally biased towards defending their own vested economic interests, which presents a conflict of interest problems. Political dynasties also prevent challengers with potentially effective policy ideas from being able to take office, which limits the capacity for bureaucratic responsiveness and administrative effectiveness and adaptation to new ideas.

Positive

Political dynasties also have extra incentive to develop their own jurisdictions. Based on Mancur Olson's theory of political governance or the "Roving Bandits vs. Stationary Bandits" theory, dynastic politicians are more likely to pursue long-term development-oriented strategies since they expect to hold power and benefit from their position for longer. This is usually set in contrast to non-dynastic politicians who would, under this theory, have less incentive to develop due to their limited term. Political dynasties can gain benefits either directly or indirectly through their relatives.[13] Political dynasties are also responsible for the increase in women's political participation in politics. Female politicians hailing from political dynasties can easily get into politics due to their connections.[13] Political dynasties have the advantage of continuity. The more control the family has over the government unit, the more members of the family can occupy positions of power. Political dynasties can use this continuity by promoting and enacting laws and ordinances that are long term in nature; with only a slim chance of other candidates outside of the dynasty interfering with the plans.

Notable Philippine political families

See also: List of Political Families in the Philippines

Ampatuan

The Ampatuan family has exercised political crowd control over the Maguindanao region since, 2001, with several of its members holding positions in government. The family's patriarch, Andal Ampatuan Sr., was elected Governor of Maguindanao in 2001. His sons, Andal Ampatuan Jr. and Zaldy Ampatuan, were the former mayor of Datu Unsay and former governor of ARMM respectively.[14] 80 members of the Ampatuan family ran for governmental positions during the 2013 elections.[15] The Ampatuans' rise to power is attributed to support received from former President Gloria Arroyo.[16] As a result of their connection, the Ampatuans won Arroyo a large majority of votes from Maguindanao during the 2004 presidential elections. The Arroyo administration's issuance of Executive Order 546 then allowed the Ampatuans to form their own private army, also known as civilian volunteer organizations.[17]

Despite their prominence in Maguindanao, the Ampatuans were generally unheard of outside of the region until the infamous 2009 Maguindanao Massacre. They are considered the main suspects behind the massacre that killed 57 people. The victims had been on their way to file the candidacy of Esmael "Toto" Mangudadatu for the 2010 elections when they were stopped by an armed convoy. They were later abducted and murdered; some victims were also reported to have been raped.[18][19] After the discovery of the mass graves, President Arroyo declared martial law in Maguindanao.[20] 198 people, including Andal Ampatuan Sr. and Andal Ampatuan Jr., were charged with murder.[21] Charges against some of the suspects have been dropped in the years since. Andal Ampatuan Sr., suspected to be the mastermind behind the massacre, died on July 17, 2015.[22] The trial remains ongoing today.

Aquino

The Aquinos are a political family that originated from Tarlac. The dynasty began with Servillano Aquino, a general during the Philippine Revolution and delegate of the Malolos Congress. His son, Benigno "Igno" Aquino, Sr., was a Speaker in the House of Representatives during the Second Philippine Republic. He was charged and arrested for collaborating with the Japanese during World War II. Nowadays, the Aquinos are oftentimes viewed as opponents of the Marcos family, mainly due to the actions of Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino, Jr. A former governor of Tarlac who has his critical views against the Marcoses resulting to a family-political feud. He was imprisoned and was sentenced to death but was pardoned and exiled to the US by President Ferdinand Marcos for his recovery after suffering from heart attack. On August 21, 1983, few days upon his recovery and decision to run for presidency, he returned to the Philippines. Upon leaving the plane, Ninoy was assassinated on the tarmac in the Manila International Airport. An estimated two million Filipinos attended his funeral procession. After his death, his wife, Corazon Aquino, became more active in politics. She was a key figure during the People Power Revolution. Cory later became the first female president of the Philippines after beating Ferdinand Marcos in the snap elections. Her death in 2009 garnered widespread public support reminiscent of her husband's, eventually leading to the election of their son Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III as the 15th President of the Philippines. Other active politicians from the Aquino family include Paolo Benigno "Bam" Aquino, the youngest ever senator in the 16th Philippine Congress.

Estrada

The Estrada political family began with Joseph "Erap" Ejercito Estrada, who began as a successful film actor. The popularity Estrada gained from acting would prove to be valuable when he pursued a career in politics. He served as the mayor of San Juan from 1969 to 1986, senator from 1987 to 1992, and vice president from 1992 to 1998. He later succeeded Fidel to be the 13th President of the Philippines. During his term, Estrada's wife and First Lady, Loi Estrada, served as senator. Allegations of corruption under his administration led to an impeachment trial, which was discontinued after the court voted against opening an envelope possibly containing incriminating evidence. This resulted in the four-day-long Second People Power Revolution.[23] His resignation from presidency was declared soon afterwards. Despite this, the absolute pardon given by former President Arroyo allowed Estrada to run for and eventually became the mayor of Manila in 2013.[24]

Many other members of the Estrada family are still active in politics, particularly in San Juan. Among these are his sons, Jinggoy Estrada and JV Ejercito, who both served as Mayor of San Juan. JV's mother, Guia Gomez, is the former mayor of San Juan.[25] Jinggoy Estrada himself has been a member of the Senate since 2004. He is Convicted over involvement in the multi-billion peso pork barrel scam.[26]

Marcos

The Marcoses are one of the most well-known political families in the Philippines. The dynasty started with Mariano Marcos, a lawyer from Ilocos Norte who was a member of the House of Representatives back in 1925. Ilocos Norte remains to be the Marcoses’ political stronghold today.

The family was at its most prominent during the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos, son of Mariano Marcos. Ferdinand is one of the most controversial figures in Philippine history, due to his declaration of martial law and the numerous alleged human rights violations and alleged rampant corruption of public funds during his rule. He and his father, Mariano Marcos, were also convicted for the murder of their political rival, Julio Nalundasan, who was killed by a sniper while brushing his teeth at his home on September 20, 1935.[27] Marcos family members also held several governmental positions during this period and were involved in the misuse of public funds.[28] Though they were exiled as a result of the People Power Revolution, the Marcos family has since regained power and is currently active in Philippine politics. Imelda Marcos, wife of Ferdinand and former first lady, is currently a district representative of the second district of Ilocos Norte. Marcos’ daughter, Imee Marcos, is a governor of Ilocos Norte. His son, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., was a former senator who was a candidate for vice president in the 2016 national elections.[29] The Marcoses currently cannot set foot in any United States territory because of a contempt judgement regarding their human rights violations.[30]

Ortega

The Ortega political clan is believed to be the Philippines' political family with the longest unbroken political rule, ruling over the province of La Union for over a decade.[31] The current progenitor of the Ortega political dynasty is former governor Manuel "Manoling" Ortega, who served as Governor of the province from 2007-2016.[32]

Roxas

The Roxas political family started with Manuel Roxas, the fifth president of the Philippines. Before being president, he served as the governor of Capiz (now named Roxas City). As a descendant of Antonia Róxas y Ureta, he is also related to the Zobel de Ayalas, a prominent business family. His son, Gerardo Roxas, served as a representative of the First District of Capiz and senator. His grandson, Mar Roxas, was a former senator and Department of Interior and local government secretary. He lost the vice presidency in 2010, and lost the presidency in 2016 elections.

Duterte

List of Political Clans

At present, it is estimated that there are over 150 Political Dynasties in the Philippines today. Find out who they are:

Political Clans Province
Abad Clan Batanes
Abalos Clan Mandaluyong City
Abaya Clan Cavite
Abduraham Clan Tawi-Tawi
Acosta Clan Bukidnon
Adaza Clan Misamis Oriental
Adiong Clan Maguindanao
Aganon Clan Nueva Ecija
Agbayani Clan Pangasinan
Akbar Clan Basilan
Albani Clan Tawi-Tawi
Albano Clan Isabela
Alberto Clan Catanduanes
Alfelor Clan Camarines Sur
Almario Clan Davao Oriental
Amante Clan Agusan del Norte
Amatong Clan Compostela Valley
Ampao Clan Basilan
Ampatuan Clan Maguindanao
Andaya Clan Oriental Mindoro
Angara Clan Aurora
Angkanan Clan Sultan Kudarat
Anni Clan Sulu
Antonino Clan General Santos
Apostol Clan Leyte
Aquino Clan Tarlac
Armada Clan Iloilo
Arnaiz Clan Negros Oriental
Arroyo Clan Camarines Sur, Pampanga, Negros Occidental
Asistio Clan Caloocan
Astorga Clan Leyte
Atienza Clan Manila
Aumentado Clan Bohol
Bacani Clan Manila
Bacani Clan Quirino
Bagatsing Clan Manila
Balanquit Clan Northern Samar
Barbers Clan Surigao del Norte, Surigao City
Barroso Clan South Cotabato
Baterina Clan Ilocos Sur
Belmonte Clan Quezon City
Belo Clan Capiz
Biazon Clan Muntinlupa City
Bichara Clan Albay
Binay Clan Makati City
Bondoc Clan Pampanga
Brawner Clan Ifugao
Bulut Clan Apayao
Cabacang Clan Northern Samar
Caballero Clan Compostela Valley
Cainglet Clan Zamboanga City
Calingin Clan Misamis Oriental
Calizo Clan Aklan
Calo Clan Butuan City
Calumpang Clan Negros Oriental
Candao Clan Shariff Kabunsuan
Cappleman Clan Ifugao
Carag Clan Cagayan
Cari Clan Leyte
Carloto Clan Zamboanga del Norte
Catane Clan Misamis Occidental, Zamboanga del Norte
Cayetano Clan Taguig
Celera Clan Masbate

(Cerilles Clan) [Zamboanga del Sur]

Chiongbian Clan Sarangani, Cebu, Misamis Occidental
Clarete Clan Misamis Occidental
Claver Clan Mountain Province
Climaco Clan Zamboanga City
Crisologo Clan Ilocos Sur, Quezon City
Cojuangco Clan Tarlac
Corvera Clan Agusan del Norte
Codilla Clan
Leyte
Cosalan Clan Benguet
Cua Clan Quirino
Cuenco Clan Cebu
Cuneta Clan Pasay City
Cupin Clan Agusan del Norte
Dalog Clan Mountain Province
Dalwasen Clan Apayao
Dangwa Clan Benguet
David Clan
Daza Clan Northern Samar
Defensor Clan Iloilo
Delfin Clan Antique
De La Cruz Clan Bulacan
De Leon Clan Misamis Oriental
De Venecia Clan Pangasinan
Del Rosario Clan Davao del Norte
Diaz Clan Nueva Ecija
Dilangalen Clan Shariff Kabunsuan
Dimaporo Clan Lanao del Norte
Dominguez Clan Mountain Province
Duavit Clan Rizal
Dumpit Clan La Union
Dupaya Clan Cagayan
Durano Clan Cebu
Duterte Clan Davao City
Dy Clan Isabela
Ecleo Clan Dinagat Islands
Emano Clan Misamis Oriental
Enrile Clan Cagayan
Enverga Clan Quezon
Ermita Clan Batangas
Escudero Clan Sorsogon
Espina Clan Biliran
Espino Clan Pangasinan
Espinosa Clan Masbate
Estrella Clan Pangasinan
Estrada Clan San Juan City
Eusebio Clan Pasig City
Famor Clan Zamboanga Sibugay
Fernandez Clan Pangasinan
Fernando Clan
Figueroa Clan Samar
Floriendo Clan Davao
Fresnedi Clan Muntinlupa City
Frivaldo Clan Sorsogon
Fuentebella Clan Camarines Sur
Garcia Clan Cebu
Garcia Clan Palawan
Garin Clan Iloilo
Gentuyaga Clan Compostela Valley
Gordon Clan Olongapo City
Guiao Clan Pampanga
Guingona Clan Bukidnon
Herrera Clan Bohol
Henson Clan Pampanga
Hofer Clan Zamboanga Sibugay
Imperial Clan Albay
Jalosjos Clan Zamboanga del Norte
Javier Clan Antique
Joaquin Clan
Joson Clan Nueva Ecija
Kintanar Clan Cebu
Lacbain Clan Zambales
Lacson Clan Negros Occidental
Lacuna Clan Manila
Lagman Clan Albay
Lapid Clan Pampanga
Larrazabal Clan Leyte
Political Clans Province
Laurel Clan Batangas
Lavin Clan Northern Samar
Lazaro Clan Laguna
Lazatin Clan
Ledesma Clan Negros Occidental
Lerias Clan Southern Leyte
Leviste Clan Batangas
Libanan Clan Eastern Samar
Ligo Clan Sultan Kudarat
Locsin Clan Negros Occidental
Lobregat Clan Zamboanga City
Loong Clan Sulu
Lopez Clan Iloilo
Loreto Clan Leyte
Lucman Clan Lanao del Sur
Luna Clan Abra
Maamo Clan Southern Leyte
Macapagal Clan Pampanga
Macias Clan Negros Oriental
Madrigal Clan Manila
Maganto Clan Bulacan
Magsaysay Clan Zambales
Malanyaon Clan Davao Oriental
Malinas Clan Mountain Province
Mandanas Clan Batangas
Mangudadato Clan Maguindanao
Marañon Clan Negros Occidental
Marasigan Clan Oriental Mindoro
Marcos Clan Ilocos Norte
Martinez Clan Cebu
Matalam Clan Cotabato
Matba Clan Tawi-Tawi
Mathay Clan Quezon City
Matugas Clan Surigao del Norte
Mayaen Clan Mountain Province
Mayo Clan Batangas
Mendiola Clan Occidental Mindoro
Mercado Clan Leyte
Miranda Clan Isabela
Misuari Clan Sulu
Mitra Clan Palawan
Molinas Clan Benguet
Montelibano Clan Negros Occidental
Montilla Clan Sultan Kudarat
Moreno Clan Misamis Oriental
Mutilan Clan Lanao del Sur
Navarro Clan Surigao del Norte
Nepomuceno Clan Pampanga
Nisce Clan La Union
Ocampo Clan Misamis Occidental
Olivarez Clan Laguna
Olvis Clan Zamboanga del Norte
Ople Clan Bulacan
Ortega Clan La Union
Osmeña Clan Cebu
Ouano Clan Cebu
Padilla Clan Camarines Norte
Pagdanganan Clan Bulacan
Pajarillo Clan
Palma-Gil Clan Davao Oriental
Pancho Clan Northern Samar
Paras Clan Negros Oriental
Paredes Clan Abra
Parojinog Clan Misamis Occidental
Pasificador Clan Antique
Paylaga Clan Misamis Occidental
Payumo Clan Bataan
Pelaez Clan Misamis Oriental
Pelegrino Clan Bohol
Perez Clan Pangasinan
Petilla Clan Leyte
Pichay Clan Surigao del Sur
Pimentel Clan Surigao del Sur
Pineda Clan Pampanga
Plaza Clan Agusan
Ponce de Leon Clan Palawan
Publico Clan Sultan Kudarat
Puno Clan Rizal
Punzalan Clan Quezon
Rabat Clan Davao Oriental
Rama Clan Agusan del Norte
Ramiro Clan Misamis Occidental
Raquiza Clan Ilocos Sur
Real Clan Zamboanga City
Recto Clan Batangas
Redaja Clan Western Samar
Remulla Clan Cavite
Relampagos Clan Bohol
Rengel Clan Bohol
Revilla Clan Cavite
Reyes Clan Marinduque
Reymundo Clan Pasig City
Reyno Clan Cagayan
Robredo Clan Camarines Sur
Romualdez Clan Leyte
Romualdo Clan Camiguin
Rono Clan Western Samar
Roqueros Clan Bulacan
Roxas Clan Capiz
Rodriguez Clan Rizal
Sahidulla Clan Sulu
Salazar Clan Eastern Samar
Salceda Clan Albay
Sali Clan Tawi-Tawi
Salipudin Clan Basilan
San Luis Clan Laguna
Sanchez Clan Cebu
Sandoval Clan Malabon, Navotas, Palawan
Sarmiento Clan Bulacan
Sering Clan Surigao del Norte
Silverio Clan Bulacan
Singson Clan Ilocos Sur
Sinsuat Clan Shariff Kabunsuan
Siquian Clan Isabela
Soliva Clan Agusan del Norte
Sotto Clan Leyte
Sulpicio/Tupas Clan Iloilo
Sumulong Clan Rizal
Tañada Clan Aurora, Quezon
Tanjuatco Clan Rizal
Tatad Clan Catanduanes
Tan Clan Samar, Southern Leyte
Tanco Clan Capiz
Tolentino Clan Tagaytay
Teves Clan Negros Oriental
Trinidad Clan Compostela Valley
Ty Clan
Umali Clan Nueva Ecija
Valentino Clan Marikina City
Valera Clan Abra
Velasco Clan Western Samar
Veloso Clan Leyte
Verceles Clan Catanduanes
Villanueva Clan Negros Occidental, Negros Oriental
Villar Clan Las Pinas, Pangasinan
Villafuerte Clan Camarines Sur
Villareal Clan Capiz
Villaroza Clan Occidental Mindoro
Villegas Clan Negros Oriental
Violago Clan Nueva Ecija
Yap Clan Tarlac
Yebes Clan Zamboanga del Norte
Yulo Clan Laguna, Negros Occidental
Ynares Clan Rizal
Yniguez Clan Leyte
Zubiri Clan Bukidnon

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  23. Estrada's aborted impeachment trial haunts Senate.
  24. Estrada wins: SC junks disqualification case.
  25. Erap: We're not a dynasty in San Juan City.
  26. Will Jinggoy Estrada get out of jail?.
  27. Murder most foul: Marcos' youthful exuberance.
  28. The curse called 'Political Dynasty'.
  29. Bongbong Marcos running for vice president in 2016.
  30. Marcoses lose US appeal.
  31. "Century Old Ortega Dynasty Loses Hold on La Union Capital City", Rappler, 2016. 
  32. PressReader.com - Your favorite newspapers and magazines..